The U.S. exists in a different universe—Europe has witnessed its moral poverty and emotional dullness, says Leonid Shvets.

Various events have unfolded at high-level international conferences, attracting powerful figures from around the world, but at the conclusion of the 61st Munich Security Conference, something extraordinary occurred: during his closing remarks, the chairman of the organizing foundation, seasoned diplomat Christoph Heusgen, suddenly broke down in tears—a veteran politician who has witnessed it all. This alone was enough to understand that the previous world, based on rules, as Heusgen stated, is indeed under threat.

Later, calming down, Heusgen commented for the press: "This conference is a nightmare for Europe," and "the Vice President's speech clarified an important point: Trump's America lives in a different universe."

One can grasp how the diplomat's perceptions have collapsed. On the eve of the conference, he stated in an interview with "Deutsche Welle" that "Trump has the tools in hand to possibly end the war and alleviate people's suffering. And this is an opportunity that must not be missed. I think the Kremlin is nervous about the unconventional decisions that the U.S. president might make... I believe we will discuss these issues in Munich and hope we can achieve some progress." He expressed confidence that Trump "is very committed to the security of NATO member states." Reality, however, was shocking.

Let’s set aside all the challenges for Europe stemming from the fact that America currently exists in another universe—much will be said about this, and I hope much will be done in connection with it. Instead, let’s focus on America.

Less than a month after Trump took office, illusions about some magical power of the new American administration that would come in and amaze everyone with its decisiveness and creativity evaporated. It’s one thing to make fiery statements during the election campaign about a golden age that will begin literally on inauguration day; it’s another matter to actually deliver on that promise. It’s a separate issue what the new team is doing domestically, but the very first steps on the international stage revealed not just weakness but the irrationality of the U.S. under new leadership: aggressive verbal attacks on Canada, Denmark, and Mexico, assaults on British leadership, and support for nationalists like Nigel Farage, alongside a peculiar fondness for neo-Nazis from "Alternative for Germany." Don’t ask how the latter aligns with the pro-Israel stance of the White House.

When Trump’s appointees traveled to Europe, the level of catastrophe became impossible to hide. The speech by Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth at NATO headquarters in Brussels was even described by veteran Republican, Senate Armed Services Committee chairman Roger Wicker, as if it had been written by Tucker Carlson, "and Carlson is a fool," end quote. Vice President J.D. Vance didn’t just say nothing about security issues at the security conference; he openly insulted European partners. He even spat in the face of the Germans by refusing to meet with Olaf Scholz, the head of the host government, while demonstratively meeting with the unacceptable leader of the AfD just a week before the elections.

It’s not that this directly opened the world’s eyes to Trump and his associates; after all, Viktor Orban, a thorn in the side of the EU and NATO and a darling of Vladimir Putin, has always been a most welcome guest at Mar-a-Lago. A more vivid illustration of the value gap could hardly be imagined. Yet even ideological opponents of Trumpism tended to consider Trump extraordinarily strong in his boundless pragmatism. It turns out that there is no pragmatism or strength at all.

Pragmatism is based on a deep understanding of the dynamics and processes, allowing one to identify their own interests. To achieve one’s interests, it must literally be interesting. Donald Trump is only interested in himself; everything else bores him deeply. According to those who worked with him during his first term, he is unable to listen to any lengthy thematic report, let alone read one. Anything longer than two or three paragraphs is beyond his capacity. Now, having noticeably aged, the ability of the "stable genius," who has resumed leadership of the U.S., to absorb and analyze information has certainly not improved. How can there be a deep understanding of complex processes, both in America and around the world, in matters where even experts sometimes risk breaking their legs? Where will Trump’s breakthrough "plans" come from?

The cocky assault of Hegseth and Vance on Europe was intended to mask the emptiness and the absence of any U.S. ideas on how to fulfill their promises—specifically, to stop the war. If during his first term Trump was surrounded by competent people capable of solving complex problems and keeping the boss from mistakes and foolishness, this time he has chosen subordinates to his liking, favoring, of course, sycophants. But one cannot expect effective solutions from them. Sycophancy goes hand in hand with mediocrity. Leaving Europe to flounder in its troubles—what could be a better escape in this case: "It’s not us who are incompetent blabbermouths; it’s you relaxed slackers, parasitizing on American power." Moreover, there is a significant degree of truth in the second thesis.

Another striking example of the new American approach was the surprise visit to Kyiv by Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, who immediately proposed signing a ludicrous document exchanging Ukrainian natural resources for American aid. He was politely and carefully sent where he deserved. In today’s Washington, there is nothing shameful in trying to fleece a victim of aggression, without even bothering to offer any guarantees in return. In God they trust. America, which has always prided itself on its Christian foundations, does not hesitate to demonstrate moral poverty. Yet it is very afraid of offending Vladimir Putin’s delicate feelings, with whom the big boss has "excellent relations."

The U.S. has not only not become stronger; even under "sleepy Joe," America has never been so openly weak. The previous administration understood the strategic importance of global allied coalitions and the threats posed by aggressive autocracies. The concepts of basic values, of good and evil, of standards of decency, ultimately, aligned with those of Christopher Heusgen and his European colleagues under Biden or Harris. Now Europe seems to be facing beings from another universe, as described by the German diplomat. There is simply no common language with them. However, this problem does not exist for Putin. He is no longer human.

It is categorically unclear how this continuous disgrace makes America great again. Meanwhile, Europe, suddenly left in the lurch, must restructure its life anew, facing a threat that is not an illusory danger. What would they do without Ukraine?